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1. Memorialise your champions, but remember your ‘anonymous’ leaders too
Performing Trauma in Central Africa. Laura Edmondson. Industrialization and Development in the Third World. Rajesh Chandra. Postcolonial Automobility. Lindsey B. Media and Democracy in Africa. Michael Leslie. Key Concepts in Political Communication. Darren G. African City Textualities. Ranka Primorac. Nadine Gordimer. Denise Brahimi. Hillary Rodham Clinton and the Election. Michele Lockhart. Stealth Communications. Sue Curry Jansen. Challenges in development in Ngamiland, Botswana. Biography of a Subject. Gerald M. Douglas Kellner. Tony Clayton. Abiodun Salawu. Less than half the children in sub-Saharan Africa can neither read nor write: a quarter of primary school age children reach the fourth year without having acquired the basics and over a third do not reach the fourth year.
In Chad, for example, only Educational technology in sub-Saharan Africa refers to the promotion, development and use of information and communication technologies ICT , m-learning , media, and other technological tools to improve aspects of education in sub-Saharan Africa. Since the s, various information and communication technologies have aroused strong interest in sub-Saharan Africa as a way of increasing access to education, and enhancing its quality and fairness.
The development of individual computer technology has proved a major turning point in the implementation of projects dependent on technology use, and calls for the acquisition of computer skills first by teachers and then by pupils. Between and , multiple actions were started in order to turn technologies into a lever for improving education in sub-Saharan Africa. Many initiatives focused on equipping schools with computer hardware.
Sometimes with backing from cooperation agencies or development agencies like USAID , the African Bank or the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs , these individual initiatives grew without adequate coordination. States found it difficult to define their national strategies with regard to ICT in Education. This technological breakthrough marked an important step in potential access to ICT.
The underlying logic of the initiative was one of centralization, thus enabling the largescale distribution of the equipment. Though it has a smaller presence in sub-Saharan Africa than the OLPC project, Classmate PC has enabled laptop computers to be delivered to primary schools in the Seychelles and Kenya , particularly in rural areas.
The cross-fertilization of teaching models and tools has now broadened the potential of ICT within the educational framework. Certain technologies, perceived as outdated compared to more innovative technology, nonetheless remain very much embedded in local practice. Today they are undergoing a partial revival, thanks to the combination of different media that can be used in any single project.
Despite its limited uses in teaching, radio is a medium that still has considerable reach in terms of its audience. Cheaper than a computer, it also has a cost-benefit ratio that makes it attractive to many project planners. In 15 months, over 10 million calls paid, but at a reduced price compared to a normal communication were made, by over 3 million users.
As part of the Bridge IT programme in Tanzania, short educational videos, also available on mobile phones, are broadcast on the classroom television so that all the pupils can take part collectively. There are currently ten schools taking part in the project.
Another digital tool with multiple uses, the interactive whiteboard IWB , is also being used in some schools in sub-Saharan Africa. The use of the IWB has had a positive effect on motivation, for pupils and teachers alike. However, their impact in terms of learning has been muted. This system marginalizes the direct participation of the pupils in favour of multi-media demonstrations initiated by the teacher. The main initiatives based on the use of ICT and the Internet in education originally focused on distance learning at university level.
When it became an intergovernmental agency in , it was training 40, people, mostly on short programmes. It shifted its focus to teacher training and to integrating technology into higher education. The AVU has ten e-learning centres. The Agence universitaire de la Francophonie AUF has also, since , set up around forty Frenchspeaking digital campuses, more than half of them in Africa.
In these infrastructures, dedicated to technology and set up within the universities, the AUF offers access to over 80 first and masters degrees entirely by distance learning, about 30 of which are awarded by African institutions and created with its support. There is also a push in many African countries to reform colonial education standards to emphasize the importance of indigenous languages and cultures instead of European languages and cultures.
“You can’t take the politics out of the struggle”: Four lessons from African feminist organising
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Archived from the original on Retrieved 27 April University of Cape Town, p. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Mpofu Montreal: United Nations Educational. Retrieved 1 April Archived from the original on 5 December Retrieved 18 March Washington, D. Digital Services for Education in Africa.
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Kohli and V. Wilson, ed. Sader and K. In some cases, institutions feel threatened by the proliferation of NGOs. From an early stage in their proliferation, however, the Vatican became concerned about their impact. See also P. Keogh, ed. In November , for instance, the Vicariate of Solidarity, the largest indigenous human rights NGO in the developing world, closed after losing hierarchical support. During the s and s, relations between NGOs and governments were generally tense throughout the develop- ing world.
As a result, NGO activists featured prominently among those detained in a wave of arrests. Malaysia's NGOs, however, fought back. In many cases, overtures addressed major weaknesses in governmental capacity. Eccleston and D. Hirschman, for instance, argues that it is impossible to prove a connection between the withering of the authoritarian state in Latin America and the rise of NGOs and grassroots social movements. In general, Fowler argues, NGOs are more likely to maintain the status quo than to change it.
Hojman ed. In Thailand, for instance, NGOs, especially those concerned with human rights, played an important role in the demonstrations of May which led to the collapse of the National Peace- Keeping Council led by Gen. Suchinda Kraprayoon. This is a virtuous circle. A stronger civil society and middle sectors before meant that after the military coup the development of NGOs was more substantial which itself meant that after the democratic transition in civil society emerged more vigorously than elsewhere in Latin America.
Similarly, through protest, NGOs strengthen the state, by aggregating and moderating political demands and by providing channels distinct from Congress through which disputes can be negotiated and dissipated. In many if not most modernizing countries elections serve only to enhance the power of disruptive and often reactionary forces and to tear down the structure of public authority'. As this article has argued, a correlation exists between the prolifera- tion of NGOs and political change in Asia, Africa and Latin America since the mids.
The strategic nature of NGO counter-mobilization roles is enhanced by the low rates of membership among political parties and trade unions in much of the developing world.
NGOs play a vital role in facilitating political participation through their involvement in issue-based social movements and through their support to People's Organizations POs. The relationship between NGO proliferation and democratization, however, is ambiguous. Two fundamental propositions, one De Tocquevillian and one Gramscian, are evident: the former that NGO proliferation strengthens civil society and hence democracy by improving interest articulation and repres- entation;85 the latter that NGO proliferation simply institutionalizes existing patterns of political contestation, between civil society and the state and within civil society itself, adding an additional dimension to struggles which remain fundamentally class-based.
Hoare and G. As a general proposition, the paper suggests that political parties have failed to keep pace with the changing character of interest articulation as social structures become more heterogeneous as a result of economic change and as political interests become more diverse. This institutional vacuum is exacerbated by the ideological crisis unleashed by the collapse of the former Soviet Union, drastically weakening left-wing movements and their ability to represent the traditionally class-based interests of marginalized groups.
The Relationship Between the State and the Voluntary Sector
Equally, to the extent that NGO proliferation correlates with the decline of militant social movements in Thailand and the Philippines, NGOs contribute to the demobilization of anti-state pressure, again strengthening the state. Beyond these propositions, however, the proliferation of NGOs throughout the developing world poses important questions for democratization theory and other Western paradigms.
Proliferation throughout the developing world in the last two decades has made NGOs important political actors, intermediary institutions that constitute a new layer of civil society, transforming its overall structure. Accepted : 1 June Political Studies Association, Related Papers. By Nomzamo Kaunda. NGOs, civil society and democratization in the developing world: a critical review of the literature. By Claire Mercer.